後何往黑死病對晚中世紀死亡觀及救贖觀之影響

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2014317日)

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「死後何往?」這是自古到今一直縈繞著人類生活的問題。對於這問題的回應,於歷史巨輪間不同時代的人均有不同的理解。對於晚中世紀的人來說,死亡更是十分貼身的問題:十四至十五世紀甚至被形容為「死亡的勝利」 (The Triumph of Death)[1]其間爆發之大死亡 (Great Mortality) 黑死病 (Black Death),其災害程度、對社會民心、宗教思潮帶來的衝擊堪比兩次世界大戰。[2]本文旨在探討黑死病前後時人對死亡及死後何往的看法、教廷對瘟疫的回應,並且分析黑死病之爆發乃最終引致改教運動的導火線之

研究一個時代對死亡的看法其中不可或缺的進路為檢視時人圍繞死亡建設的禮儀;並理解其形成背景及理論邏輯。[3]在公元首一千年間,人民普遍視死亡為自然定律之;雖然會為離感到悲愴及可惜,但並不因而恐懼戰驚過份榮耀或逃避死亡。[4]至於對死後何往的看法主要分為兩種潮流:一種基於魔法及民間傳說,相信人死後仍然存在;另一種則是以基督教思想為主導的死亡觀。[5]一如基督在世之時曾經歷認信、洗禮、死亡、以至升天的階段;[6]當時信徒認為人在救恩漸進的過程中,所有將身體交付予教會之逝者僅為暫時睡了,直至基督第二次再來,他們便會甦醒於新耶路撒冷 天堂之中。[7]死亡於時人來說並非禁忌,反而更視預知及預備的死亡為美;突然與孤獨的終末為惡。對他們來說何時離並不如確認自己於離一刻為基督徒、知道自己靈魂得著救贖重要。[8]雖然肉身的消逝為所有可怕的事中最殘酷的,但靈魂的死卻是更可怕,因為靈魂比肉身更珍貴。[9]

約於十三世紀開始隨個人主義漸漸興起,信徒群體於基督二次再臨時聚集的描述慢慢被最後對個人獨立的審判、靈魂按生命冊被衡量的場景取代。[10]在審判台前人一生的功過被清算;按著上帝的公義,每項過犯均應有其相應之刑罰,而承受責罰的過程被稱為補贖 (Penance)[11]補贖的目的並非為醫治或洗淨靈魂,而是一種對錯誤行為以致思想的懲罰;故此即使是終將歸入天堂的信徒仍需履行補贖,直至完滿 (Satisfaction)。由於罪惡被視為是一種歡愉,因此對罪的補贖需以痛苦、犧牲達成。[12]整個補贖的概念跟社會法律上對罪的處理相仿:正如罪犯需要於監牢中服刑,死後非全善亦非全惡之靈魂亦有一處被煉淨之狀態或地方,就是煉獄 (Purgatory)[13]煉獄的觀念於西方世界早至第四、五世紀奧古斯丁等早期教父時代已經存在;唯一直未被正式納入教義之中。煉獄的流行始於十三世紀極具影響力之教宗英諾森三世 (Innocent III) 於諸聖 (All Saints Day) 之講論中提到宇宙分成五分:天堂、伊甸園、世界、煉獄及地獄;再於1215年第四次拉特朗公會議 (Fourth Council of the Lateran) 中提出。於1274年第二次里昂公會議 (Second Council of Lyons),煉獄才被正式納入基督教教義中。[14]在經院哲學家倫巴都 (Peter Lombard) 1157所著、為當時各大神學院採用之教科書《教義四書》 (The Four Books of Sentences) 中指出於最後審判前人生前所犯較輕微可贖之 (Venial Sin) 能於煉獄煉淨其煉淨時間則因人而異。[15]罪是否可贖並刑罰的強度很大程度取決肇事者之意圖:基本上蓄意而為的都算為不赦之罪 (Mortal Sin)[16]1254年及1274年教宗英諾森四世 (Innocent IV) 及革利免五世 (Clement V) 均指出生前曾懺悔但未滿足補贖,或一生只犯有可贖之罪、沒有不赦之罪者都能於煉獄中煉淨,且可被教會之善功 (Suffrage) 協助。[17]

正如每項過犯都有其可量化之刑期;不同的善功於上帝眼中亦帶有相應之價值。[18]教會相信人藉善行為自己積存功德寶庫;[19]這些善功能夠抵消可贖之罪帶來於煉獄的刑期,從而使靈魂盡快歸回天家。[20]十三世紀流傳於民間「三位生者與三位 (The Three Living and the Three Dead) 傳說帶出「今夕吾軀歸故土,他朝君體也相同」 (What you are, so once were we; what we are, so you shall be) 的重要訊息,除了是要提醒將亡未亡者肉體的短暫與脆弱,更刺激信徒揚棄享樂主義、藉悔罪過敬畏上帝的生活。[21]早期偽奧古斯丁之著作曾教導在世時可作之善行有如:懺悔、施予及避罪[22]教宗若望廿二世 (John XXII) 1323指凡往經院哲學家阿奎那 (Thomas Aquinas) 之墓朝聖,只要朝聖者誠心懺悔認罪,因著上帝的恩典及眾使徒之權力,得以減免刑期一年又四十天。[23]教宗革利免六世 (Clement VI) 1343年宣佈只要信眾完成指定之善行,例如捐獻予醫院的興建或參與朝聖,便能獲得一百天之寬免[24]教宗博義八世 (Boniface VIII) 更宣佈1300年為年,頒授全大赦 (Plenary Indulgence) 予凡前往羅馬大教堂朝聖者;連同死於路上的信徒,估計約有二百萬人獲得。[25]然而道明會士蘇索 (Henry Suso) 卻概嘆根據神學教導,每犯一次嚴重之罪便需要七年時間補贖;若人一生中犯上過百次這樣的罪,他那可憐淒滄的靈魂何時才能得贖呢[26]當人至將亡時,還能做甚麼來自我補贖呢[27]奧古斯丁被稱為「煉獄之父」的原因不獨在於他提出了完整的煉獄概念;更在於他認可了生者能藉善功為逝者補贖。[28]故此教會於十三世紀確立了「善功寶庫」的教導:基督及眾聖徒所之善功充足使他們回歸天國有餘,故多出的善功能藉教會及教宗,以善功寶庫保管人的身份,將善功藉贖罪卷的形式分配給其他信徒。[29]出於對煉獄所受痛苦之恐懼,時人對這樣的贖罪卷是趨之若鶩。[30]對於將亡者來說,這種「諸聖相通功」的教導保障了他們靈魂的補贖能由生者繼續承擔:生者能藉善行如舉行彌撒、禱告、慈惠等減免逝者之刑期。[31]贖罪卷在最理想的情況下,甚至能使信徒完全免責。[32]

一套善終的禮儀 (Ars Moriendi) 不單能妥善將個人遺產分配於不同善功上,亦能確保自己的靈魂被生者紀念。[33]異教徒普遍都希望得到一個快速而無痛之死亡,然而疾病於基督徒來說卻是十分弔詭的:一方面致死的疾病開啟的是通往痛苦煉獄之門,甚至被認為是罪帶來的惡果、於人世的煉獄;但另一方面卻提供了充足的時間使病患預備善終禮儀,透過儀式進入恩典之中。[34]因此當時便有一種流行的說法是「苦澀的死亡通向榮美的來生」。[35]於當時的畫像中經常表達出軟弱的將亡者於病榻中經歷一場屬靈爭戰,病者如何面對這次試探將直接決定他於永恆中的命運:撒旦引誘病者為自己的罪而絕望、為善行而驕傲、留戀屬世人事、落入迷信異端、最終放棄走通向上主、聖母及眾聖徒之信仰路。當病患如此決定時,他生前所作之善行便盡歸無有。[36]故此善終禮儀強調協助病患懺悔及認信,甚至因怕禮儀結束後病者多言致罪而禁止患者再次發言。一般善終禮儀以病患預知自己在世時日不多、召集親友及神職人員於病榻旁開始。病患回想一生之作為並向親友傾訴悔過,然後在公證人、律師的陪同下設立遺囑。在處理好屬事務後,神職人員便為病者誦讀詩篇、燒香、行灑水禮、傅油、頒聖體及懺悔。在病患完成其懺悔書後,神職人員便頒授全大赦予患者。[37]最後病患透過向眾聖徒之連禱 (Litany)、默想或默觀基督於十架的受苦,向上帝尋求赦罪及接納其靈魂。[38]在病患死後,生者隨即執行逝者之遺願,包括組織唱誦團 (Chantry) 舉行彌撒、將屍身下葬於逝者指定之墓園及將其遺產捐獻予教會、出席葬禮之窮人、保釋被囚監犯、修建公路、成立學校等。[39]舉行彌撒的目的在於紀念及祝福逝者,確保他的靈魂維持於恩典之中。[40]歐洲各大修院每年於彌撒當中逐位讀出名冊上記下曾施贈予教會、於社會有貢獻之贊助者名字。到後來尋求教會紀念的需求日增時,便於十一世紀起每年十一月舉行諸靈節[41]直至1274年煉獄教義化後,更出現私人的彌撒,專門為一人、一個家族或一個團體而設。[42]截至1547年,單單於英格蘭倫敦市中便有二百五十支唱誦團,而全國約超三千支。[43]至於在指定墓園下葬之重要性在於部份墓園曾被祝福,例如教宗烏爾班二 (Urban II) 曾頒發贖罪卷予任何下葬於馬蓋隆大教堂 (Maguelone Cathedral) 墓園之信徒。[44]另外,下葬於公眾必經之地如教會墓園中,一方面每周都能教導經過之信眾為來生而行善;另一方面提醒生者為正身處煉獄的逝者禱告。[45]例如懺悔者愛德 (Edward the Confessor) 1066年便要求他的死訊第一時間通報全國,免得延遲了為他的禱告。[46]

這套煉獄、補贖、生死互涉、善終的觀念形成一套行之有效,「富者付出、貧者禱告」 (For the rich to pay, the poor to pray) 的循環系統。[47]不論從宗教精神上能消解信眾對死後何往的恐懼、亦能緩解社會上如教育、醫療、就業、貧窮等問題,甚至推動了中世紀藝術、哲學上的發展。[48]不過這套系統必須依賴教會龐大的群體支持及互相信任:假使遭遇上千萬信徒死亡的災難、死者比生者多時,系統便會面臨崩潰的危機。[49]

13481351年於歐洲爆發之黑死病便是這一類的災難。黑死病帶來的死亡人數曾估算為總人口四分至三分;較近期根據地區性調查綜合得出的結果顯示比例可至總人口的一半,約二千五百萬人逝世。[50]黑死病於1331年左右在中亞爆發,東至中國、南至印度,並於1345年西至南俄羅斯克里米亞半島。症迫使當地之戰爭暫停;染病之生還者乘船南下沿東地中海於1347年秋抵達意大利熱拿亞,再於十月漫延至西西里島之墨西拿[51]根據當時的意大利作家薄伽丘 (Giovanni Boccaccio) 及公證人Gabriel de Mussis記載,受感染的人先會感到全身疼痛,然後於腹股溝、腋窩間長出大如蘋果、小如蛋,堅硬的膿瘡。膿瘡除了為患者帶來熱病及頭痛外,更會轉變成黑色或鐵青色並漫延至身體各處。[52]透過跳蚤或黑鼠感染者僅有一至五天的壽命;至於透過空氣傳播感染者,他們會咳嗽、吐血及窒息,平均存活亦不過三天。[53]面對如此峻厲的瘟疫,醫師也束手無策;[54]惶恐的市民由城市逃至鄉郊中;兒子拋棄父親、丈夫離棄妻子、兄弟互相遠離。[55]教廷所在之法國阿威農,於1348年春開始便已經有至少一半人口死亡,七千戶房屋凋廢;截至同年三月,便已經有一萬一千人下葬於教會的墓園中。[56]

社會對善終及死後各種儀式的需求與日俱增;然而綜觀整個歐洲,對比普遍平民50%的死亡率,各地神職人員之死亡率可由3570%不等。[57]單於英格蘭,便估計有五千名受聖之神職人員死於瘟疫之中,估總人數一半;若連同不領聖之神職人員,估計每四人中便有一人感染,共約二萬五千人死亡。[58]於阿威農,雖然教宗得以倖存,唯其行政架構中的神職人員便損失了三分之一。[59]此外,對於不少神職人員來說他們的職位僅是一份工作:當瘟疫來到時,他們與平民一樣選擇逃走。[60]亦有神職人員因畏病或貪財,只願在高薪的邀請下才執行禮儀。[61]即使有願意履行聖職的神職人員,按愛爾蘭修士John Clynn的記載,「聽悔者與懺悔者同步向墳塋。」[62]對比傳統善終病榻旁的簇擁,於瘟疫其間甚少有十位以上的鄰居扶靈至教堂;亦不敢以肩托的方式尊榮逝者;神職人員也不再進行繁複而莊嚴的下葬禮。[63]屍身不再被移送至指定的墓園,而是於就近教會挖掘的壕溝中草草下葬;當壕溝鋪滿了一層屍體後,再蓋上薄薄一層泥土後便繼續堆砌。[64]在家庭流散、死後不被紀念、無法藉禮儀縮短於煉獄痛苦的陰霾下,巴斯暨韋爾斯教區 (Bath and Wells) 的主教向其信眾宣佈「若瀕死者未能尋得神職人員懺悔,他可向任何一名男性平信徒懺悔;若然沒有男性則可轉向女性。至於善終儀式,若沒有神父執行,則憑信足矣。」[65]

瘟疫帶給晚中世紀平民一種近乎強迫性對死亡的恐懼。[66]死亡成為主教於講壇上經常論及的課題:[67]講員甚至將屍身帶到台上,提醒逝者為生者的一面明鏡。[68]「三位生者與三位亡者」的傳說雖然早於1303年便由法國傳英格蘭[69]但時人對這篇警世故事的重視程度明顯於瘟疫後大大提升。[70]從遺囑的研究中可以更清晰了解到瘟病對信徒態度之影響:[71]於法國蒙彼利埃的遺囑記錄中,134648年間共收錄了六十六份遺囑;然而至1350年的兩年間,卻收錄了九十四份。[72]遺囑的內容不單更詳細的指定下葬墓地、要求清晰標示逝者的身份及將其善功刻劃於墓誌銘上,更大大增加了投放於善行及彌撒的金額以換取贖罪及教會的禱告。[73]信眾對突然死亡的恐懼引了補贖制度、贖罪卷功效「通脹」式的誇大[74]1422年英王亨利五世便曾於遺囑中吩咐後人為他舉辦二萬次彌撒;[75]然而也比不上Bernard Ezi四世於1358年要求的十萬次。[76]這種情況並非罕見:人窮一生也未必能完成上一代之囑咐,需積存至下一代人完成。負擔著如此龐大的壓力,人要不散盡家財、要不便放棄遵從遺囑。[77]當贖罪卷發展至能以金錢預先購買時,[78]為抵銷瘟疫對教廷收入帶來的經濟打撃、對抗物價及工資上揚,[79]以及支撐教廷奢華的建設,教廷毫不恥於提高贖罪卷的功效以換取更多收入。例如聖澤德兄弟會 (Fraternity of St. Chad) 為籌措資金建堂,頒授共二萬三千多天的寬免予捐贈者。[80]同類最著名的例子要數道明會士帖次勒 (Johann Tetzel) 為募捐修建聖彼得大教堂,宣傳「只要一個銀元『叮』一聲投入教會的奉獻箱去,一個在煉獄受苦的靈魂便立時『叮』一聲得到釋放。」[81]在社會經濟困難時,教廷這樣的做法似乎就是利用生者為他們自身以及死去親屬的憂慮而謀取暴利。[82]贖罪卷失去了本身藉不斷重覆的補贖、懺悔,使人鍛煉出美好的品德;透過行為去表達內心渴望更像耶穌的回轉以及對基督委身的意義。[83]

這次瘟疫僅僅是十四世紀內一連串災難中比較嚴重的一項:除了於接下來五十年各地復發之黑死病外,[84]1315年至1322年異常嚴寒之冬天及暴雨成災之夏天使農作物嚴重失收並帶來饑荒,死亡數字推算為受影響區域總人數1520%[85]還有於黑死病爆發數星期前於南奧地利及北意大利發生的大地震及相關之山崩水淹。[86]中世紀信徒普遍相信這一連串災難並非偶發,而是末期及最終審判到臨前的預兆。[87]來自德國及瑞士的方濟會士都不約而同聲稱1348年發生的災難都是上帝對人罪惡義怒的傾倒,為基督再臨之先兆。[88]民間流傳著據說是由天使捎來的「天庭書」 (Heavenly Letter),當中便指出上帝因人猖獗的虔敬而引發這場大刑罰;然而只要人心思變、悔罪改過,上帝必收回的忿怒,降福大地。[89]於德國甚至興起一班苦修者 (Flagellant) 巡遊城市鄉郊間,一邊遊行一邊自我鞭撻;[90]他們相信這樣能為大眾補贖,直至千禧的到臨。[91]至於教會的回應普遍是舉行多場公眾彌撒、遊行、鼓勵禱告及捐獻,盼望能藉此平息上帝之怒氣以及激起更多信徒悔罪。[92]教宗革利免六世曾於1348年應許阿威農的市民若他們連續出席五次彌撒便能免除突然死亡。[93]問題是本應最為虔敬、作神人中介之主教們亦未能倖免於難:英格蘭重要的領袖坎特伯雷大主教John Stratford13485月逝世;他的繼承者John Ufford年後還沒來得及被阿威農教宗任命便離;下一任的Thomas Bradwardine亦於數月後步前任之後塵。[94]教會所教導最可靠得贖之修士隱居生活似乎不比貪婪自肥的商家銀行家優越:[95]即使是過著虔敬的生活,似乎也不能保護他們倖免於難。[96]教會在人手緊下聘請神學訓練及年齡不足之神職人員,[97]在面對十四世紀開始於西方大學中受高等教育的阿里士多德學派及經院哲學提倡為災難尋求理性解釋的風潮下,教廷似是而非的教導更顯蒼白無力。[98]意大利學者詩人彼得拉克 (Francesco Petrarca) 便批評教廷道:「相比對症成因無知的困惱,更煩擾的是自稱全知實為無知者宣稱荒謬的故事。現在他們錯的口終於止息;慣放闕詞的嘴終歸麻木。」[99]

「在如斯災難與不幸下,所有對上帝與人律法之尊重已全然殆盡。」[100]末世的情懷一方面強化市民惶恐罪的文化;另一方面卻激發更多人追求敬度日,關心教會前景,謀求改革的方案。[101]道明會士薩佛納羅拉 (Girolamo Savonarola) 點出當時「所有內在敬拜之熱情已死;禮儀滴下無數的蠟漆於救恩了無功效。」[102]一股包括部分神職人員在內的反教權主義 (Anti-clericalism) 勢力於1350年起迅速漫延。[103]以威克里夫 (John Wycliffe) 為首的羅拉德派 (Lollard) 猛烈抨擊教會之領導階層,認為不義者於上帝的會中無權威可言,繼而更進一步否定缺乏聖經支持的煉獄及贖罪卷。[104]馬丁路德於1517年張貼出的《九十五條論綱》直接批評贖罪卷被曲解的意義及效果,質疑贖罪卷半伯拉糾主義式神人合作的救贖觀;他認為赦罪乃上帝主動稱人為義,不必以「善功」為條件。[105]亡者可以安躺於平安中,是因著他們的信心,使他們與上帝重建關係。[106]在這關係中,使上帝喜悅的並非律法的完滿,而是人本身使上帝喜悅;正如家長與孩子般,即使孩子沒有作足夠可愛的事,家長仍因這關係愛與寬恕孩子。[107]最終「因信稱義」的本質乃是「因恩典稱義」[108]:改教家弗里思 (John Frith) 一語中的寫道「恩典的本質在於寬恕,然而煉獄卻要求信徒補贖至完滿,這算是恩典嗎?」[109]兩百年前主教於瘟疫的絕望中發出一句「憑信足矣」,至此終於為教會及信徒開出一條充滿希望及積極的新路。[110]


 

參考資料

Ariès, Philippe. Western Attitudes toward Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present. Translated by Patricia Ranum. Baltimore & London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974.

Atlas, Jerrold. ‘The Black Death: An Essay on Traumatic Change.’ Journal of Psychohistory. Vol. 36, No. 3 (Jan. 2009): 249-59.

Binski, Paul. Medieval Death: Ritual and Representation. London: The British Museum Press, 1996.

Boccaccio, Giovanni. ‘Escaping the Black Death.’ In The Black Death. Edited by Thomas Streissguth, 75-85. Farmington Hills, MI: Greenhaven Press, 2004.

Brown, Andrew. Church and Society in England, 1000-1500. Hampshire & New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003.

Byrne, Joseph P. Daily Life during the Black Death. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2006.

Cantor, Norman F. In the Wake of the Plague: The Black Death and the World it Made. New York: The Free Press, 2001.

Cassone, Alberto & Marchese, Carla. ‘The Economics of Religious Indulgences.’ Journal of Institutional and Theoretical Economics. Vol. 155, No. 3 (Sep. 1999): 429-42.

Cockerell, T. D. A. ‘The Black Death, and its Lessons for To-Day.’ The Scientific Monthly. Vol. 3, No. 1 (Jul. 1916): 81-86.

Daniell, Christopher. Death and Burial in Medieval England: 1066-1550. London: Routledge, 1997.

De Mussis, Gabriele. ‘The Plague Arrives in Europe.’ In The Black Death. Edited by Thomas Streissguth, 54-68. Farmington Hills, MI: Greenhaven Press, 2004.

Groń, Ryszard. ‘Examples of “Good Death” in Ælred of Rievaulx.’ Cistercian Studies Quarterly. Vol. 41, No. 4 (2006): 421-41.

Green, David. ‘Masculinity and Medicine: Thomas Walsingham and the Death of the Black Prince.’ Journal of Medieval History. Vol. 35 (Mar. 2009): 34-51.

Jorgenson, James. ‘The Debate over the Patristic Texts on Purgatory at the Council of Ferrara-Florence, 1438.’ St. Vladimir’s Theological Quarterly. Vol. 30, No. 4 (1986): 309-34.

Kselman, Thomas. ‘Death in Historical Perspective.’ Sociological Forum. Vol. 2, No. 3 (Summer 1987): 591-97.

Lerner, Robert E. ‘The Black Death and Western European Eschatological Mentalities.’ American Historical Review. Vol. 86 (June 1981): 533-52.

Logan, F. Donald. A History of the Church in the Middle Ages. London & New York: Routledge, 2002.

Petrarca, Francesco. ‘A Poet’s Agony.’ In The Black Death. Edited by Thomas Streissguth, 86-93. Farmington Hills, MI: Greenhaven Press, 2004.

Platt, Colin. King Death: The Black Death and its Aftermath in Late-Medieval England. London: UCL Press, 1996.

Putnam, Bertha H. ‘Maximum Wage-Laws for Priests after the Black Death, 1348-1381.’ The American Historical Review. Vol. 21, No. 1 (Oct. 1915): 12-32.

Reyerson, Kathryn L. ‘Changes in Testamentary Practice at Montpellier on the Eve of the Black Death.’ Church History. Vol. 47, No. 3 (Sep. 1978): 253-69.

Rohr, Christian. ‘Man and Natural Disaster in the Late Middle Ages: The Earthquake in Carinthia and Northern Italy on 25 January 1348 and its Perception.’ Environment and History. Vol. 9, No. 2 (May 2003): 127-49.

Shaffern, Robert W. ‘Indulgences and Saintly Devotionalisms in the Middle Ages.’ The Catholic Historical Review. Vol. 84, No. 4 (Oct. 1998): 643-61.

Shuger, Debora. ‘The Reformation of Penance.’ Huntington Library Quarterly. Vol. 71, No. 4 (Dec. 2008): 557-71.

Smith, Lacey B. ‘The Reformation and the Decay of Medieval Ideals.’ Church History. Vol. 24, No. 3 (Sep. 1955): 212-20.

Stefani, Marchione di Coppo. ‘The Great Fear of Florence.’ In The Black Death. Edited by Thomas Streissguth, 69-74. Farmington Hills, MI: Greenhaven Press, 2004.

Thompson, James W. ‘The Aftermath of the Black Death and the Aftermath of the Great War.’ American Journal of Sociology. Vol. 26, No. 5 (Mar. 1921): 565-72.

林鴻信著。《教理史(合訂本)》。台北:禮記,1996

梁家麟著。《基督教會史略︰改變教會的十人十事》。香港更新,2002

麥格夫著。蔡錦圖、陳佐人譯。《宗教改革運動思潮》。香港:基道,2006

 

 



[1] Thomas Kselman, ‘Death in Historical Perspective,’ Sociological Forum, 2/3 (Summer 1987), 594.

[2] Robert E. Lerner, ‘The Black Death and Western European Eschatological Mentalities,’ American Historical Review 86 (June 1981), 533.

[3] Kselman, ‘Death in Historical Perspective,’ 592.

[4] Philippe Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present, trans. P. Ranum (Baltimore & London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974), 7.

[5] Kselman, ‘Death in Historical Perspective,’ 593.

[6] Paul Binski, Medieval Death: Ritual and Representation (London: The British Museum Press, 1996), 22-23.

[7] Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death, 29.

[8] Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death, 4-7.

[9] Colin Platt, King Death: The Black Death and its Aftermath in Late-Medieval England (London: UCL Press, 1996), 100.

[10] Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death, 31-32; Binski, Medieval Death, 22-23, 42.        

[11] James Jorgenson, ‘The Debate over the Patristic Texts on Purgatory at the Council of Ferrara-Florence, 1438,’ St. Vladimir’s Theological Quarterly 30/4 (1986), 311.

[12] Debora Shuger, ‘The Reformation of Penance,’ Huntington Library Quarterly 71/4 (Dec. 2008), 559-60.

[13] Binski, Medieval Death, 25; Donald F. Logan, A History of the Church in the Middle Ages (London & New York: Routledge, 2002), 287.

[14] Binski, Medieval Death, 186.

[15] Logan, A History of the Church in the Middle Ages, 292-93.

[16] Binski, Medieval Death, 36-37.

[17] Logan, A History of the Church in the Middle Ages, 287-88.

[18] Shuger, ‘The Reformation of Penance,’ 559.

[19] Binski, Medieval Death, 25.

[20] Ibid., 25-26, 182.

[21] Ibid., 24, 134-38; Christian Daniell, Death and Burial in Medieval England: 1066-1550 (London: Routledge, 1997), 69.

[22] (Pseudo-) Augustine, Sermo, ref. Jorgenson, ‘The Debate over the Patristic Texts on Purgatory at the Council of Ferrara-Florence, 1438,’ 324.

[23] Robert W. Shaffern, ‘Indulgences and Saintly Devotionalisms in the Middle Ages,’ The Catholic Historical Review 84/4 (Oct. 1998), 645.

[24] Logan, A History of the Church in the Middle Ages, 295.

[25] Binski, Medieval Death, 187.

[26] Shaffern, ‘Indulgences and Saintly Devotionalisms in the Middle Ages,’ 653.

[27] Binski, Medieval Death, 25.

[28] Ibid., 184; 參奧古斯丁《論信望愛》(De Fide), Jorgenson, ‘The Debate over the Patristic Texts on Purgatory at the Council of Ferrara-Florence, 1438,’ 320.

[29] Shaffern, ‘Indulgences and Saintly Devotionalisms in the Middle Ages,’ 644, 649; Logan, A History of the Church in the Middle Ages, 295; 梁家麟:《基督教會史略︰改變教會的十人十事》(香港:更新,2002),頁192; Binski, Medieval Death, 187; 林鴻信:《教理史(合訂本)》(台北:禮記,1996),頁58

[30] Shaffern, ‘Indulgences and Saintly Devotionalisms in the Middle Ages,’ 648-49.

[31] Jorgenson, ‘The Debate over the Patristic Texts on Purgatory at the Council of Ferrara-Florence, 1438,’ 310.

[32] 麥格夫著,蔡錦圖、陳佐人譯:《宗教改革運動思潮》香港:基道,2006,頁40

[33] Binski, Medieval Death, 25-26, 33-34.

[34] Ibid., 36, 40; Andrew Brown, Church and Society in England, 1000-1500 (Hampshire & New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 121.

[35] David Green, ‘Masculinity and Medicine: Thomas Walsingham and the Death of the Black Prince,’ Journal of Medieval History 35 (Mar. 2009), 43.

[36] Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death, 36-37; Binski, Medieval Death, 40; Ibid., 50.

[37] Shaffern, ‘Indulgences and Saintly Devotionalisms in the Middle Ages,’ 650.

[38] Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death, 9-11; Ryszard Groń, ‘Examples of “Good Death” in Ælred of Rievaulx,’ Cistercian Studies Quarterly 41/4 (2006), 424; Binski, Medieval Death, 53.

[39] Platt, King Death, 116.

[40] Binski, Medieval Death, 29.

[41] Ibid., 121.

[42] Ibid., 116; Bertha H. Putnam, ‘Maximum Wage-Laws for Priests after the Black Death, 1348-1381,’ The American Historical Review 21/1 (Oct. 1915), 14.

[43] Logan, A History of the Church in the Middle Ages, 294.

[44] Kathryn L. Reyerson, ‘Changes in Testamentary Practice at Montpellier on the Eve of the Black Death,’ Church History 47/3 (Sep. 1978), 257.

[45] Binski, Medieval Death, 71.

[46] Groń, ‘Examples of “Good Death” in Ælred of Rievaulx,’ 430.

[47] Platt, King Death, 116.

[48] Groń, ‘Examples of “Good Death” in Ælred of Rievaulx,’ 421; Binski, Medieval Death, 33.

[49] Logan, A History of the Church in the Middle Ages, 275.

[50] Ibid., 282-83; T. D. A. Cockerell, ‘The Black Death, and its Lessons for To-Day,’ The Scientific Monthly 3/1 (Jul. 1916), 85; James W. Thompson, ‘The Aftermath of the Black Death and the Aftermath of the Great War,’ American Journal of Sociology 26/5 (Mar. 1921), 566; Binski, Medieval Death, 124.

[51] Logan, A History of the Church in the Middle Ages, 277.

[52] Gabriele de Mussis, ‘The Plague Arrives in Europe,’ in The Black Death, ed. Thomas Streissguth (Farmington Hills, MI: Greenhaven Press, 2004), 66; Giovanni Boccaccio, ‘Escaping the Black Death,’ in The Black Death, ed. Thomas Streissguth (Farmington Hills, MI: Greenhaven Press, 2004), 76.

[53] Logan, A History of the Church in the Middle Ages, 278.

[54] Boccaccio, ‘Escaping the Black Death,’ 77.

[55] Marchione di Coppo Stefani, ‘The Great Fear of Florence,’ in The Black Death, ed. Thomas Streissguth (Farmington Hills, MI: Greenhaven Press, 2004), 70.

[56] Logan, A History of the Church in the Middle Ages, 281.

[57] Joseph P. Byrne, Daily Life during the Black Death (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2006), 120.

[58] Putnam, ‘Maximum Wage-Laws for Priests after the Black Death, 1348-1381,’ 12.

[59] Byrne, Daily Life during the Black Death, 122.

[60] Ibid.; Platt, King Death, 118.

[61] Putnam, ‘Maximum Wage-Laws for Priests after the Black Death, 1348-1381,’ 28.

[62] Platt, King Death, 99-100; Byrne, Daily Life during the Black Death, 119.

[63] Boccaccio, ‘Escaping the Black Death,’ 83-84.

[64] Stefani, ‘The Great Fear of Florence,’ 71.

[65] Logan, A History of the Church in the Middle Ages, 283; Daniell, Death and Burial in Medieval England, 192; Putnam, ‘Maximum Wage-Laws for Priests after the Black Death, 1348-1381,’ 13.

[66] Brown, Church and Society in England, 1000-1500, 136.

[67] Lacey B. Smith, ‘The Reformation and the Decay of Medieval Ideals,’ Church History, 24/3 (Sep. 1955), 215.

[68] Brown, Church and Society in England, 1000-1500, 118-19.

[69] Binski, Medieval Death, 135.

[70] Platt, King Death, 183-84; Brown, Church and Society in England, 1000-1500, 136.

[71] Reyerson, ‘Changes in Testamentary Practice at Montpellier on the Eve of the Black Death,’ 254.

[72] Reyerson, ‘Changes in Testamentary Practice at Montpellier on the Eve of the Black Death,’ 262.

[73] Kselman, ‘Death in Historical Perspective,’ 594; Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death, 50; Ibid., 260.

[74] Alberto Cassone & Carla Marchese, ‘The Economics of Religious Indulgences,’ Journal of Institutional and Theoretical Economics 155/3 (Sep. 1999), 438.

[75] Smith, ‘The Reformation and the Decay of Medieval Ideals,’ 216.

[76] Platt, King Death, 104.

[77] Ibid., 106.

[78] 梁家麟:《基督教會史略》,頁192; Binski, Medieval Death, 188.

[79] Byrne, Daily Life during the Black Death, 116; Binski, Medieval Death, 127; Jerrold Atlas, ‘The Black Death: An Essay on Traumatic Change,’ Journal of Psychohistory, 36/3 (Jan. 2009), 254; Thompson, ‘The Aftermath of the Black Death and the Aftermath of the Great War,’ 567; 教廷曾頒布工資上限以對抗低下層神職人員提升薪俸的要求,甚至引發持械抗爭,參Putnam, ‘Maximum Wage-Laws for Priests after the Black Death, 1348-1381,’ 15-18; Byrne, Daily Life during the Black Death, 123; 對教廷經濟的打撃還有世俗君王剝削並禁止其轄地的教會將人民向教廷繳付的彼得便士 (Peter’s Penny) 運至羅馬教廷,參梁家麟:《基督教會史略》,頁191

[80] Platt, King Death, 104.

[81] 梁家麟:《基督教會史略》,頁193; 麥格夫:《宗教改革運動思潮》,頁40-41; Logan, A History of the Church in the Middle Ages, 295.

[82] 麥格夫:《宗教改革運動思潮》,頁40; Stefani, ‘The Great Fear of Florence,’ 72.

[83] Shaffern, ‘Indulgences and Saintly Devotionalisms in the Middle Ages,’ 653, 660.

[84] 復發年份為1361年、1363年、136869年、137475年、1390年及1405年,參Binski, Medieval Death, 127; Logan, A History of the Church in the Middle Ages, 282; Putnam, ‘Maximum Wage-Laws for Priests after the Black Death, 1348-1381,’ 12.

[85] Logan, A History of the Church in the Middle Ages, 275.

[86] Christian Rohr, ‘Man and Natural Disaster in the Late Middle Ages: The Earthquake in Carinthia and Northern Italy on 25 January 1348 and its Perception,’ Environment and History 9/2 (May 2003), 127.

[87] Lerner, ‘The Black Death and Western European Eschatological Mentalities,’ 533.

[88] Ibid., 534.

[89] Ibid., 537

[90] Logan, A History of the Church in the Middle Ages, 285.

[91] Lerner, ‘The Black Death and Western European Eschatological Mentalities,’ 535.

[92] Byrne, Daily Life during the Black Death, 116; Brown, Church and Society in England, 1000-1500, 136.

[93] Platt, King Death, 111.

[94] Byrne, Daily Life during the Black Death, 116.

[95] Smith, ‘The Reformation and the Decay of Medieval Ideals,’ 214.

[96] Rohr, ‘Man and Natural Disaster in the Late Middle Ages,’ 135-36.

[97] Putnam, ‘Maximum Wage-Laws for Priests after the Black Death, 1348-1381,’ 13-14; Atlas, ‘The Black Death,’ 251; Platt, King Death, 98; 修士宣誓的年齡由二十歲降至十五歲;神父承擔教區牧職的年齡由二十五歲降至二十歲,參Norman F. Cantor, In the Wake of the Plague: The Black Death and the World it Made (New York: The Free Press, 2001), 206; 修士Henry Daniel記載神職人員當中多數為拉丁文盲,與平信徒無異;即使他們能讀,也不明白所以言,參Byrne, Daily Life during the Black Death, 124.

[98] Rohr, ‘Man and Natural Disaster in the Late Middle Ages,’ 136; Cantor, In the Wake of the Plague, 210.

[99] Francesco Petrarca, ‘A Poet’s Agony,’ in The Black Death, ed. Thomas Streissguth (Farmington Hills, MI: Greenhaven Press, 2004), 90; Atlas, ‘The Black Death,’ 252.

[100] Boccaccio, ‘Escaping the Black Death,’ 79.

[101] Lerner, ‘The Black Death and Western European Eschatological Mentalities,’ 551-52; Cantor, In the Wake of the Plague, 211; Platt, King Death, 119; Thompson, ‘The Aftermath of the Black Death and the Aftermath of the Great War,’ 569-70.

[102] Smith, ‘The Reformation and the Decay of Medieval Ideals,’ 216-17.

[103] Byrne, Daily Life during the Black Death, 126.

[104] Logan, A History of the Church in the Middle Ages, 326; Cantor, In the Wake of the Plague, 207.

[105] 林鴻信:《教理史(合訂本)》,頁116-17

[106] 麥格夫:《宗教改革運動思潮》,頁41

[107] Shuger, ‘The Reformation of Penance,’ 563, 565.

[108] Shuger, ‘The Reformation of Penance,’ 565.

[109] Ibid., 562.

[110] Smith, ‘The Reformation and the Decay of Medieval Ideals,’ 218.